SEAT
BELTS: HAVE YOU GOT THE FACTS?
MYTH #1: Everyone already
wears seat belts, so what is the big deal?
FACT:
Our belt usage rate ranks 49th
among all 50 states at 62%. This rate is the result of daytime
surveys of front seat drivers and passengers. High-risk groups that
drive at night, and some sections of the state buckle up at even
lower rates.
MYTH #2:
Massachusetts has one of the
lowest highway fatality rates in the nation and does not need a
primary seat belt law.
FACT:
Massachusetts residents are
actually involved in far more crashes than residents of other
states. Thanks to our excellent emergency medical response system,
our fatality rate from those crashes is the lowest in the nation.
But we still have a serious problem: The Insurance Research Council
reports that Massachusetts’ drivers filed 7.2 property damage
liability claims per 100 insured cars in 2002, the nation’s highest
level. And we filed 2.5 bodily injury claims, more than twice the
national average.
MYTH #3:
Motor vehicle crashes are the number
one cause of death among teenagers age 16-18. Enforcing the seat
belt law for everyone under 18 will solve our problem.
FACT:
In the year 2000, every
Massachusetts teenager age 16-18 killed in a crash was unbelted.
Motor vehicle crashes are the number one cause of death for everyone
ages 0 to 34. 2002 and 2003 Massachusetts data show that the two
age groups with the highest rate of ejection from vehicles are 18-20
year olds, followed closely by 21-24 year olds.
MYTH #4:
Whether to wear your seat
belt or not is a personal choice.
FACT:
Obeying traffic rules on public
roadways is not a matter of personal choice. We’ve had a
mandatory seat belt law since 1994. Two common long term
disabling injuries suffered from unbelted crashes, traumatic brain
injury and spinal cord injury, result in life long dependence on the
state’s Medicaid program. We’re all paying a high price. MassSAFE
estimates that for every percent increase in belt use, we will
save two lives, prevent 158 injuries and avoid $17.6 million in
health care and associated costs.
MYTH #5:
If we apply the law to
everyone, next we’ll have government telling us it’s not healthy to
eat hamburgers and restricting that personal choice.
FACT:
In Massachusetts, all
other traffic rules are primary enforcement, except for seat belts.
21 states, plus the District of Columbia and Puerto Rico have
primary safety belt laws. Primary enforcement sends a clear
message that compliance with the mandatory seat belt law is
essential to the safety of everyone on our roads. Unbelted drivers
unnecessarily lose control of their vehicles, posing a substantial
risk to others. Unbelted drivers and passengers become projectiles
in crashes, injuring not only themselves, but also children and
others in the vehicles.
MYTH #6:
If I wear a seat belt, I may
be trapped and unable to get free in a crash.
FACT:
The best way to escape a crash is
to wear a seat belt and remain in control of the vehicle, and
conscious after the crash. Seat belts reduce your risk of death
in a motor vehicle crash by 45%. Airbags cushion a crash only
when your seat belt secures your position directly in front of the
airbag. The recent rise in SUV rollovers increases the need to
buckle up for every trip.
MYTH #7:
It’s about freedom and
protecting the Constitution. If Massachusetts passes a primary seat
belt law, police would have authority to stop any vehicle they want
on the mere suggestion that, “It looked like the person in the back
seat did not have their seat belt on.”
FACT:
Passing a primary seat belt law
will not change legal cases scrutinizing what is reasonable search
and seizure, nor will it expand Massachusetts' police power. This
bill will allow an officer who observes a driver or front seat
passenger in violation of the current section 13A of chapter 90 of
MA law to stop the vehicle and issue a $25 fine. In 1996, in Whren
v. U.S., the Supreme Court ruled that an officer can use a minor
traffic infraction, real or alleged, as the reason to stop a vehicle
and its passengers. The court’s unanimous decision upheld that the
temporary detention of a motorist, with probable cause to believe
that the driver violated a traffic law, does not violate the Fourth
Amendment’s prohibition against unreasonable seizure.
Massachusetts' court decisions agree with Whren. Arguments that
police with ulterior motives use minor traffic laws to stop vehicles
cannot invalidate police conduct when it is justified on the basis
of probable cause.
MYTH: #8:
These types of stops lead to
unreasonable car searches and arrests.
FACT:
In 1994, the Massachusetts
Legislature wisely made our existing mandatory seat belt law a civil
infraction, for which an arrest cannot be made. The Fourth Amendment
to the U.S. Constitution prohibits unreasonable search and seizure.
In contrast, the Texas Legislature categorized violations of their
seat belt law a criminal offense. A Texas woman challenged the
constitutionality of the law and the U.S. Supreme Court ruled it was
within the Texas Legislature’s purview to make the belt law a
criminal offense. Under this primary seatbelt bill for
Massachusetts, the offence remains civil, not criminal.
MYTH #9:
Police will use this law to
detain minorities who they suspect are engaged in criminal conduct
based on their race or nationality - racial profiling of motorists.FACT:
Racial profiling is
unconstitutional and not supported. It is an issue the Legislature
and state has been working to resolve. Passing or not passing a
primary seat belt bill does not solve this problem and the complex
societal issues associated with it. The public health crisis that
exists on our roads disproportionately harms minorities in
Massachusetts who currently buckle up at even lower rates.
MYTH: #10:
All we need is more
education, not a change in the law.
FACT:
After almost 20 years of education
and ten years with a mandatory belt law, education alone has not
demonstrated any lasting impact on belt usage.
MYTH #11:
MA voters voted down a primary seat belt law in the 1980’s.
FACT:
The Massachusetts Legislature enacted a secondary enforcement
seat belt law in 1986. Gerry Williams, a conservative talk
radio host opposed the new law and stirred up controversy and
confusion. The law was repealed by listening voters – but
coincidentally supported by Western Massachusetts’ voters who were
already complying with New York state’s mandatory belt law. The
Massachusetts Legislature saw fit to re-enact the secondary law in
1994, and the voters supported it
at the ballot box that same year.
MYTH #12:
If I get a seat belt citation, it will affect my motor vehicle
insurance surcharge points and increase my premiums.
FACT:
The Legislature resolved this
matter in 1994 when it enacted our mandatory seat belt law, by
stating that this traffic rule is a non-surchageable offense. No
change is proposed in this bill.
MYTH #13:
If I get in a crash without
the seat belt on, my insurance company won’t pay my claim.
FACT:
The Legislature also resolved this
question in 1994 when it enacted our mandatory seat belt law.
Failure to wear one’s seat belt cannot be used as evidence of
contributory negligence. No change is proposed in this bill.
For more information, contact the SAFE Coalition
(617) 523-6501
www.policystrategists.com
Seatbelts
Are For Everyone!

A Budget Neutral Prevention Policy
Reducing the Growing Enrollment of Non-elderly Disabled Into
MassHealth:
Primary Safety Belt Law
What is the Effectiveness of Safety Belts in
preventing chronic disabling injury?
- In 2002,
2,371 people were ejected from their car in Massachusetts.
Safety belts are 99% effective in preventing ejections.
- The
leading cause of spinal cord injuries is motor vehicle crashes;
accounting for 40% of all spinal cord injuries.
- Safety
belt restraints are 99% effective in preventing spinal cord
injury to children involved in a motor vehicle crash
- Safety
belts are 45% effective in preventing traumatic brain injury
during a motor vehicle crash
- If
Massachusetts adopted a primary safety belt law, we would
observe a 11-14% increase in compliance with our law in the
first year alone; at this 75% rate of belt usage we would
prevent 2,052 injuries, 27 deaths and the expenditure of $221.1
million
Why Reduce the Growing MassHealth
Enrollment of Non-elderly Disabled?
- 1 in 5
MassHealth members qualify for coverage due to disability
- Most
common types of disabilities among members include:
- 49%
major mental illness, e.g. schizophrenia
- 31% physical/sensory disability, e.g. paralysis, loss of
limb
- 13%
developmental disability, e.g. mental retardation, autism
- The
number of non-elderly members is increasing, reflecting…
- Deliberate policy to increase coverage
- Growing numbers living with chronic disability and disease
- More
than ½ of the increase in MassHealth spending during the past 5
years is attributed to services for non-elderly disabled.
- Members
with disabilities frequently have multiple chronic health
conditions requiring complex, coordinated, often expensive
medical treatment.
- These
members tend to be enrolled in MassHealth longer than most, due
to medical advances and pharmaceuticals allowing them to live
longer.
- Insurance coverage in the commercial market is limited for them
- Since
1999 the number of members who are disabled has grown by 23,000
or 13% (virtually all are adults)
- Overall
spending on members with disabilities has grown from $1.3
billion in FY99 to $1.9 billion in FY03, representing an
increase of 45% with an average annual growth rate of 10% per
year.
- MassHealth’s share of resources going to services for this
population rose from 33% in FY99 to 38% in FY03. 30% of the
increased spending is due to increased non-elderly disabled
enrollment while 70% of the increased spending is due to the
increased health care costs of caring for this complex
population as a whole.
References: June 4, 2004, “Safety Belt Usage and Impact on
Injury Severity and Costs,” MassSAFE analysis of 2002 Massachusetts
and NHTSA motor vehicle dataEleraky MA, Theordore N, Adams M, Rekate HL, Sonntag VK. “Pediatric
cervical spine injuries: report
of 102 cases and review of the literature.” Journal of
Neurosurgery 2000 Jan;92(1 Suppl):12-7.June 2004, “Understanding MassHealth Members with
Disabilities,” Massachusetts Medicaid Policy Institute.

Talking Points for Primary Belt
and Minorities
I. MINORITY SEAT
BELT USE AND MOTOR VEHICLE CRASHES
Minorities, particularly young African
American and Hispanic males, are disproportionately at risk of being
killed or seriously injured in a motor vehicle crash because they
do not wear seat belts.
ü
According to MassSAFE,
Massachusetts communities with large minority populations show a 30%
elevated ejection rate over the state average.
ü
Motor vehicle crashes are
the leading cause of death for African Americans from birth through
14 years of age and are the second leading cause of death for
African Americans between 15 and 24 years of age.
[1]
ü
Motor vehicle crashes are
the leading cause of death for Hispanics from 1-34 years of age, and
are the sixth leading cause of death for Hispanics of all ages.
Additionally, Latino children five to 12 years of age are 72 percent
more likely to die in a traffic crash than non-Latino whites of the
same age. 1
ü
Both the 1996 and 1998
National Occupant Protection Use Surveys (NOPUS) showed that the
seat belt use rate among African Americans was lower than the rate
for the general population.
ü
A recent medical study
showed that Hispanic drivers have lower safety belt use rates than
non-Hispanic whites, with correspondingly higher fatality rates in
traffic crashes.[2]
ü
Another recent medical study
examined motor vehicle fatality exposure rates and found that,
although Hispanic and African American male teenagers travel fewer
vehicle miles than their white counterparts, they are nearly twice
as likely to die in a motor vehicle crash. This study also
showed that African American children between the ages of 5 and 12
years of age face three times the risk of dying in a motor vehicle
crash than white children in this same age group.
II. PRIMARY BELT
LAWS INCREASE USAGE AMONG MINORITIES.
Primary safety belt laws are effective in
increasing safety belt use among African Americans and Hispanics
which translates into lives saved and injuries prevented in their
communities.
ü
A 1999 study by Meharry
Medical College, a historically black medical institution, reported
that 100 percent safety belt use among African Americans could save
1,300 lives and prevent 26,000 injuries each year.[4]
ü
When
three states—Louisiana, California, and Georgia—upgraded their laws
to primary enforcement statutes, minority groups thought their
chances of getting a safety belt ticket would be higher than for
whites. As a result, their recorded increases in safety belt use
were disproportionately greater than the recorded increases for
whites.
ü
Several studies have shown that safety belt use among
African Americans and Hispanics is significantly higher in primary
enforcement areas compared with that of secondary enforcement areas.
III. DIFFERENTIAL
ENFORCEMENT
While differential enforcement (racial
profiling) is often cited as a reason to oppose primary belt laws,
there has been no clear evidence of enforcement bias in states that
have moved from secondary to primary enforcement. In fact, increases
in citations issued for seatbelt violations were usually
proportionately greater among whites than minorities.
ü
A recent study conducted by the University of
Michigan’s Transportation Research Institute found that
implementation of primary enforcement did not lead to an increase in
citation over-representation and has not contributed to increased
harassment, perceptions notwithstanding.
ü
Another study found that in cities with primary belt
enforcement there has been no evidence of enforcement bias against
African Americans--increases in citations generally have been
greater among Whites than African Americans once primary enforcement
is implemented.
ü
Research
conducted in Louisiana and Georgia showed no changes in ticketing
patterns by race that would suggest minority groups received a
greater proportion of tickets as a result of primary laws being
enacted and enforced. Independent of race or ethnicity, younger
drivers, males, and those who drove more than 15,000 miles a year,
received the greatest number of tickets.
4
5
ü
Similar
findings also occurred when Maryland, Oklahoma, and the District of
Columbia upgraded their laws from secondary to primary enforcement.
After the upgrades, citation data showed that there was either no
difference in non-white versus white ticketing, comparing secondary
to primary enforcement, or a greater increase in ticketing went to
whites following the change to a primary enforcement law.
While
harassment is a very real concern, any law has potential for
discriminatory enforcement.
ü
An officer in Massachusetts can stop a driver for any
one of more than 300 traffic violations that are primary enforcement
civil infractions. The Massachusetts’ seat belt law is the only
traffic violation that is considered “secondary enforcement”
whereby an officer must pull you over for another traffic violation
first, before enforcing the seat belt law.
IV. Minorities and Minority Organizations Show Strong Support For
Safety Belt Laws
Contrary to what you
may think, minorities support strong safety belt laws.
ü
In a recent national survey,
94 percent of African Americans and 92 percent of Hispanics
expressed support for laws requiring front seat passengers to wear
safety belts. Additionally 68 percent of
African Americans and 73 percent of Hispanics expressed
support for primary safety belt laws.
ü
The National Organization of Black Law Enforcement
Executives (NOBLE), the Nation’s leading organization of minority
law enforcement officials, examined this issue extensively during
2000 and 2001. As a result, NOBLE has voiced support for law
enforcement training, educational outreach to the African American
community, and passage of primary safety belt laws to increase
safety belt use among African Americans.
ü
According to a study conducted by the National Black
Caucus of State Legislators and the Air Bag & Seat Belt Safety
Campaign, African Americans who live in the states with a primary
seat belt law overwhelmingly favor the law by more than a 3-to-1
margin. Less than one-half of one percent of African Americans
report race-related harassment problems as a result of their state's
seat belt law.State Legislators, National Urban League and the
Children's Defense Fund support strong laws that increase seat belt
use and include safeguards for uniform enforcement.
ü
The Congressional Black Caucus has stated that
increasing safety belt use among African Americans is an "urgent
national health priority." The National Black Caucus of State
Legislators and the National Conference of Black Mayors have also
expressed support for strong laws that increase safety belt use and
include safeguards for uniform enforcement
ü
ASPIRA, a national organization dedicated to the
education and leadership development of Hispanic youth, also has
expressed its support for primary safety belt legislation. ASPIRA
passed a resolution supporting primary enforcement of State safety
belt and child safety seat use laws and efforts to promote
compliance with such laws.
African American and Hispanic organizations that support
primary belt laws:
ü
ASPIRA Association, Inc.
ü
Hispanic American Police Command Officers Association
ü
Latino Council on Alcohol and Tobacco
ü
National Association of Hispanic Nurses
ü
National Hispanic Medical Association
ü
National Council of La Raza
ü
National Latino Children’s Institute
ü
Alpha Kappa Alpha Sorority, Inc.
ü
Black Congress on Health, Law & Economics
ü
Black Entertainment Television (BET)
ü
Congress of National Black Churches
ü
Edward Davis Education Foundation
ü
Jack and Jill of America
ü
Kappa Alpha Psi Fraternity
ü
Meharry Medical College
ü
National Association for Equal Opportunity in Higher
Education
ü
National Black Alcoholism and Addictions Council, Inc.
ü
National Black Caucus of State Legislators
ü
National Black Nurses Association
ü
National Conference of Black Mayors
ü
National Council of Negro Women
ü
National Organization of Black Law Enforcement
Executives
ü
National Urban League
ü
Sigma Gamma Rho Sorority
As of July 2004, 21 states, the District of
Columbia and Puerto Rico have primary safety belt laws. Below is the
list with current seat belt use rates vs. rate when the state passed
primary belt.
Year Passed Use Rate Year
Passed 2004 Rate
Alabama
1999
58%
80%
California
1993 high 60's low
70's
90.4%
Connecticut
1986 11.5%
82.9%
Delaware
2003
75%
82.3%
D.C 1997
78%
87%
Georgia
1996
57.8%
86.7%
Hawaii
1985 No
survey but high 60's low 70's
95.1%
Illinois
2003
76.2%
83%
Indiana 1998
61.8%
83.4%
Iowa
1986
43%
86.4%
Louisiana
1995
50%
75%
Maryland
1997
70%
89%
Michigan 2000
70.1%
90.5%
New Jersey
1999
63.3%
82%
New Mexico 1986
27%
89.7%
New York 1984
16%
85%
North Carolina 1985
25.5%
86.1%
Oklahoma
1997
47.4%
80.3%
Oregon 1990
50%
92.6%
Tennessee
2004
72%
Texas 1985
9.6%
83.2%
Washington 2002
83%
94.2%
Puerto Rico
1975
5%
90.1%.
Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention, National Center for Injury Prevention and Control,
2000 data. NHTSA, Research Note: Safety Belt Use in 2002 –
Demographic Characteristics, March 2003.
Annals of Emergency Medicine,
December 2000; 36(6):589-596.
Baker SP, Braver ER, Chen L, Pantula
JF, Massie D. Motor Vehicle Occupant Deaths Among Hispanic and
Black Children and Teenagers. Archives of Pediatric &
Adolescent Medicine. 1998;152:1209-1212.
Achieving a Credible Health and Safety
Approach to Increasing Seat Belt Use Among African Americans,
Department of Occupational and Preventive Medicine, Meharry
Medical College, May 1999.
Ulmer,
R.G., Preusser, C.W., Preusser, D.F. Evaluation of Georgia’s
Safety Belt Law Change to Primary Enforcement. National
Highway Traffic Safety Administration, in progress.
D.F.,
Preusser, C.W. Evaluation of Louisiana’s Safety Belt Law
Change to Primary Enforcement. National Highway Traffic
Safety Administration, DOT HS 808 620, 1997.
Ulmer,
R.G., Preusser, C.W., Preusser, D.F. Evaluation of
California’s Safety Belt Law Change to Primary Enforcement.
National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, DOT HS 808 205,
1994.
Wells, J.K., Williams, A.F., Farmer,
C.M. Seat Belt Use Among African Americans, Hispanic, and
Whites. Accident, Analysis, and Prevention, 34 (2002)
523-529.
Davis, J.W., Bennink L., Kaups,
K.L., Parks, S.N. Motor Vehicle Restraints: Primary versus
Secondary Enforcement and Ethnicity. The Journal of Trauma,
February, 2002; 52(2):225-8.
Eby D.W., Kostyniuk L.P., Molnar
L.J.,Vivoda J.M., Miller L.L.,. The effect of changing from
secondary to primary safety belt enforcement on police
harrasment. Accident Analysis and Prevention 36.
2004;819-828.
Wells JK, Williams AF, Farmer CM.,
Seat belt use among African Americans, Hispanics, and Whites.
Accid Anal Prev. 2002 Jul;34(4):523-9.
Evaluation of Maryland,
Oklahoma, and the District of Columbia’s Seat Belt Law Change to
Primary Enforcement, Final Report. National Highway Traffic
Safety Administration, DOT HS 809 213, March 2001. DOT HS 808
866, Revised November 2001.
2000 Motor Vehicle Occupant Safety
Survey, National Highway Traffic Safety Administration.
Air Bag & Seat Belt Safety Campaign, National Safety Council,
Primary Seat Belt Laws Save Kids-
New Messages That Can Redefine the Debate.18 March 2005.
<http://www.1id.army.mil/1ID/safety/statistics/National%20Safety%20Council%20Air%20Bag%20Safety%20Campaign%20Legislation.htm.>

Primary
seat belt laws work…
The
people of Massachusetts are paying a high price…
When
you don’t wear your seat belt, it is everybody’s business. The
decision not to buckle up is clearly associated with costs borne by
public agencies supported by our tax revenues.
A 15 percent increase in seat belt use,
like that experienced by others states after they have passed a primary
enforcement seatbelt law, would prevent 3,000-4,000 injuries and save
Massachusetts an estimated $80 million in healthcare, taxes and
insurance costs (NHTSA).
Passage
of a primary seat belt law would result in the immediate prevention of
at least two disabling injuries, traumatic brain injury (TBI) and spinal
cord injury (SCI).
Motor vehicle crash victims who suffer these disabling injuries
have direct long-term consequences on our Medicaid budget.
The
Massachusetts Division of Health Care Finance and Policy (DHCFP) records
hospital related admission, discharge and cost data. From September 1999 to October 2000 there were 5,870
admissions to hospitals resulting from car crashes. In 2000 there was a
total of 1,027 head injury admissions related to motor vehicle crashes,
41 admissions with absolute spinal cord injury diagnosis, 140 fractures
to the base of the skull and another 244 vertebral fractures that may or
may not have had lasting spinal cord damage.
Simultaneously, there were 534 pediatric admissions resulting in
128 or 24% “serious injury” hospital admissions.
In 2000 Mass Rehabilitation
Commission (MRC) spent $2,130,896 on 552 disabled TBI and SCI clients
for their vocational rehabilitation.
MRC estimates that this program is the smallest expenditure of
state resources for these clients, since many will never again be
capable of employment.
·
Nationwide,
NHTSA found that the average inpatient costs for crash victims who were
not wearing safety belts were 55% higher than for those who were belted.
·
In
Massachusetts, the average hospital charge for an unbelted patient is
$7,000 compared to $1,000 for a belted patient (Harvard School of Public
Health).
·
In
1999, Massachusetts car owners had to cover the bill for an estimated
149,686 injury claims -- an estimated loss of $ 910,486,396 (Auto
Insurance Bureau).
·
Each
driver who buckles up is paying an additional auto insurance premium to
cover the costs of the drivers who don't buckle up.
Education
alone, is not enough.....
Despite funding state-wide educational
campaigns on the importance of wearing a seat belt and the need for
compliance with a secondary enforcement seat belt law, this effort may
result in limited temporary gains. The Massachusetts’ Governors
Highway Safety Bureau will spend more than $2 million dollars this year
on education. Its goal is to improving seat belt compliance to 63%
within the next three years.
Passage
of a primary seat belt law would result in an increase in use by 12% in
the first year.
Moreover, all
individuals
have different levels of tolerance for risk and education alone
is not sufficient to change behavior.
The literature demonstrates that high-risk behavior is commonly
associated with increased injury severity and cost. Trauma victims exhibiting high-risk behavior more often
depend on public agencies to cover the cost of acute injury.
For example, a review of injury trends and costs following
passage of a mandatory helmet law in California graphically demonstrated
the profound impact that this legislation had on this type of high-risk
behavior and the public costs generated by it.
Enactment of a primary law sends a message to the public that
seat belt use is an important safety issue that the State takes
seriously.
The greatest impact lies in legislative
requirements for public safety and self-protection.
Primary
seat belt laws do not expand police powers…
An officer in Massachusetts
can stop a driver for any one of more than 300 traffic violations that
are primary enforcement civil infractions. The Massachusetts’ seat
belt law is the only traffic violation that is considered
“secondary enforcement” whereby an officer must pull you over for
another traffic violation first, before enforcing the seat belt law.
The impact this has on the public’s perception of its actual
importance is profound.
Making
all traffic violations subject to primary enforcement sends a clear
message that the state considers belt use mandatory for the safe
operation of a motor vehicle, while eliminating any discretionary
application of the law. Officers prefer primary laws and report that
secondary laws are a deterrent to issuing citations because they merely
suggest to motorists that enforcement action “might be taken”.
Under the provisions of this bill, you could not be arrested for
a seat belt violation.
Minority group legislators contend that
evidence of differential enforcement of the new laws has not been found
in states that upgrade to primary seat belt laws. (NHTSA)
Spinal
Cord Injury from unbelted crashes is
preventable......
Spinal
cord injuries (SCI) are a frequent cause of death and long-term
disability. Motor vehicle crashes account for about 42% of all spinal cord injuries.
A 1994 study showed that the overall incidence of
hospitalized SCI patients was 25 per million per year, the sex specific
rate among men was 4.6 times the rate among women and no one injured in
auto or truck crash reported wearing seat belts.
In this study, SCI
was more common in summer months, on weekends and during late afternoon
hours.
The
journal, Spine, reported that 60% of spinal cord injuries to motor vehicle
occupants were cervical (quadriplegic),
25% resulted in thoracic cord injury and 15% caused a lumbosacral cord
injury (parapaplegic).
Cervical SCIs continue to be a major cause of death and
disability for trauma victims. A
1988 study reported that motor vehicle trauma results in 500 to 650 quadriplegic
patients per year.
Most of these patients are cared for at Level I trauma centers
where multiple associated injuries, including chest and abdominal trauma
are also treated. Prolonged
stays in the intensive care unit are common and some of the surviving
victims may be ventilator dependent at the time of discharge.
The prognosis of neurological recovery from pediatric cervical
spine injuries is related to the severity of the initial neurological
injury itself.
The Shepherd Center of Atlanta Georgia, who specializes in
pediatric and adolescent spinal cord injury treatment and rehabilitation
report data indicating that less than 1% of all
crash related pediatric SCI patients were belted at the time of the
crash.
Statistics
show that, adults
who don’t buckle up, don’t buckle up their kids either. (See Massachusetts Pediatric Motor
Vehicle Traffic Accidents 1990-2000, DPH ISP).
The
financial support of initial hospitalization, rehabilitation, and
nursing care for quadriplegic patients is a serious health care issue.
Some survivors will have no financial resources available to them
and some will have resources, which will cover less than 50% their total
charges. The
National Spinal Cord Injury Statistical Center reports that the
cost
of health care and living expenses in the first year after an injury
ranges from $209,074 to $572,178 depending on the level of
the injury.
·
There are an average of 250 new SCIs in Massachusetts per
year;
·
approximately 40% or
100 are likely the result of an unbelted car
crash;
·
based upon a median expense of $300,000 per patient in the
first year, it is estimated that approximately
$30 million is spent by all health care payers on new SCI
injuries occurring in Massachusetts each year;
·
applying
the year 2000 # of acute hospitalizations that were Medicaid patients
(11.1%), implies
a
yearly
state burden
of approximately $3,330,000
for the treatment of new SCI patients
alone.
SCI
patients routinely become Medicaid beneficiaries in a fairly short time
frame after their injury. The majority will remain on Medicaid, which
pays for those services that will be required for the remainder of their
lifetime. Advances in
medical technology are chiefly responsible for individuals with an SCI
living well into their 60s, 70s and beyond.
Traumatic
Brain Injury from unbelted crashes is preventable…
Traumatic brain injury
(TBI) is a major cause of morbidity and mortality in the United States.
Each year, approximately 50,000 deaths in the United States are
associated with TBI, which represents more than 33% of all injury
related deaths.
In a survey of persons hospitalized with head injuries, the chief
cause was motor vehicle accidents.
Head injuries occurred most often on Fridays, Saturdays and
Sundays.
Among survivors of TBI,
neuropsychologic and other disabilities are common and often require
extensive rehabilitation and sometimes long-term care.
Among youths aged 0-19, motor vehicles were the leading cause
of TBI. The TBI related
death rate was three times higher for males, compared with
females. Examples of strategies that have demonstrated success in
reducing the incidence of TBI include primary enforcement of restraints.
Seat
belts are 57% effective in preventing traumatic and fatal brain
injuries. (Brain Injury Association of America)
Studies have shown that “the incidence of any head injury among
restrained drivers … was only 2.76% .
The
following Massachusetts data is significant since the probability that
these injuries and costs predominantly occurred due to unbelted
car crashes is high.
What’s
the immediate impact on Medicaid? About $2.6 million per year in acute
care.
·
Injury
Surveillance Program (DPH-ISP) notes that the total non-fatal TBI
hospitalizations related to motor vehicle crashes in 2000 were 1,027.
·
The
total sum of hospital charges for all TBI acute care was $90,843,367.
·
11.1%
(113) individuals were Medicaid beneficiaries at the time of injury.
What’s
the extended impact on Medicaid?
·
43.9%
of these patients required specialized and costly ongoing care after
hospital discharge.
·
11.8%
required a rehabilitative phase before discharge to home or another
institution.
·
17.7%
were directly admitted to a tertiary setting that provides long-term
care.
·
Without
the cost of rehabilitation or long term care
factored in, the state spends an estimated $6 million
dollars for car crash injuries resulting in disabilities each
year. (DPH-ISP).
There is a
steep and direct economic impact to the Medicaid budget due to unbelted
car crashes that result in brain and spinal cord injuries requiring
acute medical attention, rehabilitative services, personal care
attendants or long-term care placement in skilled nursing facilities.
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